About

John D. French is a professor of History at Duke University with a secondary appointment in African and African American Studies. He holds a B.A. from Amherst College and received his doctorate from Yale University in 1985 under the guidance of Brazilian historian Emília Viotti da Costa. Since 1979, he has studied class, race, gender, and politics in Brazil, Latin America, and beyond, authoring 48 refereed articles, chapters, briefing books, interviews, blog posts, and reviews. His research includes a recent focus on a book about photojournalists covering the metalworkers strikes of 1979-1980 in São Paulo during Brazil's military dictatorship, which played a role in the rise of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. French's notable publications include a prize-winning monograph on Lula's politics, which has been widely reviewed and translated into Portuguese, and earlier books on Brazilian labor law and workers. He has served as Director of Duke's Latin American Center, Treasurer of LASA, and co-editor of the Hispanic American Historical Review. His teaching encompasses Latin American history, Afro-Brazilian history, and critical race theory, and he has mentored numerous doctoral students. French's ongoing projects include a book on photojournalism during Brazil's dictatorship and a manuscript on racial quotas in Brazil, reflecting his deep engagement with social and political issues in Latin America.

Research topics

• Sociology
• Political Science
• Law
• Political economy
• History
• Art
• Literature
• Public administration
• Economic history

Selected publications

• O voto e a vida: Democracia, populismo e comunismo nas eleições de 1954 e 1962 em São Paulo

  Labor Studies in Working-Class History of the Americas · 2025-05-01

  article1st authorCorresponding

  As a well-published labor historian, Leal makes extensive use of newspapers—mainstream, communist, and trade union—along with public opinion polls, interviews, and union and political-social police (DOPS) records to study “the electoral behavior of workers of São Paulo (capital) in two distinct conjunctures: the general elections of 1954, after the suicide of [President] Getúlio Vargas, and 1962, the last [elections] before the 1964 coup” (29). This indefatigable researcher’s book, where he generously shares his results, will be of greatest interest to those familiar with the history of labor, the left, and electoral politics in São Paulo and who followed the debates they have occasioned in the Brazilian academy between the early 1960s and the twenty-first century.The book is not an overarching narrative of these two elections and their place in the history of the Populist Republic of 1945–64. It includes sixteen unnumbered chapters divided into two sections, simply titled “1954” and “1962.” These parallel titles suggest the overarching logic through which Leal orders his empirical evidence: workers’ experience, electoral results, rules of the game, electoral context, the relationship of political forces including institutions and “ideologies,” electoral behavior of women, and urban and social structures.Taking institutions and electoral rules into account, the book seeks to understand attempts to intervene in elections by the expanding working class in Brazil’s most urbanized and industrialized city after 1945, Brazil’s first authentically electorally democratic era. How were elections and the vote used to advance workers’ interests by the leaders of the textile and metalworkers’ unions and two neighborhood associations in the eastern and southern zones of the city (648, 33–34)?Strongly identified with Marxism of a Trotskyist orientation, Leal offers a surprisingly appreciative if critical evaluation of São Paulo’s communists, who combined a “powerful [force of] attraction” with a “strong presence . . . in the workers and popular movement” (63). Having won 10 percent of the national presidential vote in 1945, their newly outlawed party had swept São Paulo’s municipal elections in 1947 although their elected representatives were denied the right to serve in 1948. In the 1954 section, Leal highlights the communist-led campaigns of street agitation against the high cost of living (“Panela Vazia,” or “Empty Pots”), which was linked to the famous mass “Strike of the 300,000” of 1953.Leal emphasizes the stubborn commitment by the Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB) to mounting electoral campaigns against the odds. Running clandestinely under other party labels (their potential votes were sought by opportunist politicians), the PCB’s candidates were routinely barred from registering their candidacies and, even in cases where they succeeded, were denied the right to take office when they won. This was most notably true of the five communists elected in 1962; this group comprised several communist trade union leaders, including a Black communist dock leader, Geraldo Rodriques dos Santos, who was paired with Mario Schenburg, the famous communist physicist at the University of São Paulo (379–80, 523–28).While Leal is critical of the party, he judges it to have played a fundamental role in giving substance to Brazil’s new democracy by propagating the ideal of active participation in politics by workers (103–4). In discussing political parties of all colorations, Leal addresses the small middle-class Socialist Party and the city’s handful of Trotskyists, neither of which played a significant role in the trade union movement. The PCB, he suggests, could be rightly said to have had “a virtual monopoly” as “the political ‘vanguard’ of the working class” (63). “Paradoxically,” he concludes, “the PCB was most menacing to the status quo when it increased the participation of the popular electorate within the ‘rules of game,’” given the widespread disinterest and distrust of politicians in the popular sectors (104, 107, 139).The attempts to place workers in elected office by the PCB and organized sectors of the working class were stymied by the meteoric electoral success of nonworker politicians like Jânio Quadros. Universally known simply as Jânio, he and the older, more established politician Adhemar de Barros and their like fall into the category of populists, a term considered stigmatizing then. Indeed, even today populism is viewed with suspicion among the highly educated in São Paulo, because the success of such personalist politicians is thought to have supplanted the party-ideological trends, like communism and laborism (trabalhismo), linked to Vargas and his Laborite Party (PTB), which would prove powerful elsewhere in Brazil (e.g., in Rio).In addressing the electoral arena, Leal necessarily engages with Jânio as this key political phenomenon emerged from the electoral cauldron of urbanizing São Paulo. A university-educated former private school teacher, the sui generis Jânio won a surprising victory in a 1953 election for mayor after an explosive campaign. Elected governor in 1954, he swept into office as Brazilian president in 1960 before, a year later, abruptly renouncing in an effort to increase his leverage over opponents by imitating a dramatic gesture like that of Getúlio Vargas in 1954 when he faced down his enemies by killing himself in office.Leal’s book adds further substance to those who have argued, as I did, that the post–World War II era marked “a transition to a populist political system [in São Paulo] that influenced the behavior of all participants” (The Workers’ ABC: Class Conflict and Alliances in Modern São Paulo [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992], 281). This was linked, I had argued, to “the radical transformation in the nature of all social classes” and the ways that an expanded and expanding electorate undermined the top-down control of the past by unleashing a new generation of urban-centered politicians capable of independent flights (The Workers’ ABC, 280–81, 262–65). While impacting the dynamics of class alliances at the local level, Bryan Pitts has argued that these developments would have wider repercussions that help explain the coup of 1964 through which the military unsuccessfully sought to dominate and remake Brazil’s political class.This new cohort of professional politicians—dubbed “the generation of 1948” by Leal and discussed by Sylvia Walmsley—rose to office without direct links “to family clans or economic groups, and without meeting [the traditional status] requisites” of “notório saber,” a euphemism supposedly signifying academic distinction in a country with only a tiny university-educated population (177). In creating a new identity for themselves, such politicians developed an insurgent language of popular-oriented politics for the masses that frustrated the aspirations of the organized left and the union movement.

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• O Indestrutível e Inescrutável Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva

  Revista Mundos do Trabalho · 2023-12-19 · 1 citations

  articleOpen access1st authorCorresponding

  Resposta de John French aos textos dos comentadores da seção.

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• The Populist Gamble of Getúlio Vargas in 1945:

  2023-04-28

  book-chapter1st authorCorresponding
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• Charisma's Birth from the Bottom Up: Lula, ABC's Metalworkers’ Strikes and the Social History of Brazilian Politics

  Journal of Latin American Studies · 2022 · 2 citations

  1st authorCorresponding
  • Sociology
  • Sociology
  • Political Science

  Abstract If David Bell in his book Men on Horseback (2020) focuses on what is political charisma, how it functions, and what it means ‘to write its history’, this article examines how Brazil's ex-President Luís Inácio Lula da Silva (‘Lula’) acquired charisma during the dramatic 1978–80 metalworkers’ strikes in the industrial ABC region of São Paulo, Brazil. While generating a vast literature, scholars of the ABC strikes have evaded the question of how Lula, the gifted organiser, emerged as a recognisably charismatic figure. This article explains where, when and why this happened and how a charismatic bond was forged as 100,000 stigmatised, fearful, self-doubting ‘peons’ came to constitute themselves as a locally articulated social actor, a group in fusion, whose boldness and creativity led to extraordinary feats of organisation and mobilisation. Arguing against conflating charisma and populism, it also establishes the utility of the theorisation of group-making advanced in the Critique of Dialectical Reason (1960) by Jean-Paul Sartre.

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• Common Men, Exceptional Politicians: What Do We Gain from an Embodied Social Biographical Approach to Leftist Leaders Like Germany's August Bebel and Brazil's Luis Inácio Lula da Silva?

  International Review of Social History · 2022-08-01

  articleOpen access1st authorCorresponding

  Abstract Lula and His Politics of Cunning explores the origin, roots, and evolution of Luis Inácio Lula da Silva's vision, discourse, and practice of leadership as a process of becoming. This commentary invites historians of labor movements and the left to think beyond their geographical and chronological specializations. It argues that there is much to gain from thinking globally if we wish to achieve meaningful causal insights applicable to the sweep of capitalist development.

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• From Dictatorship to the Brazilian New Republic in Crisis: Understanding Lula’s Political Leadership

  Latin American Politics and Society · 2022-02-01

  article1st authorCorresponding

  An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content.

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• Epilogue: Authoritarianism and the Specter of Democracy

  International Review of Social History · 2022-08-01

  articleOpen access1st authorCorresponding

  Lula acquired a remarkably durable stature during the titanic battles of 1978-1980. Under his leadership, ABC's workers achieved an "incredible mobilizing force" as part of an unprecedented "politicization of the daily life of the subaltern". To everyone's surprise, including their own, workers had decided "the path of their own lives" via a mass movement that sought to universalize their collective and individual demands as a social class and as dignified, rights-bearing citizens. After this momentous occurrence, the leadership of this emerging working classsymbolized by Lulathrew its weight behind a "reformulation of the democratic political system, out of order since 1964". 1 At the point Lula was ousted from the union, strike participation had already reached into the millions nationwideand by the mid-1980s to tens of millionswith Lula personifying the combative New Unionism that predominated in bluecollar, white-collar, and rural workers' unions. In shifting the balance of power at the core of Brazil's industrial economy, the movement in ABC was analogous in its long-term impact to the militant sit-down trikes in basic industry in the US in the 1930s that laid the groundwork for the New Deal electoral coalition that prevailed into the 1970s. The advance of Lula and the PT after 1985 occurred during the most electorally democratic period Brazil had ever experiencedwith the military withdrawn from the political calculusas social class, regional, and individual interests were hotly pursued within a competitive multiparty-political system in a continental scale capitalist country. Most importantly, the choice of a presidential not parliamentary system as part of Brazil's constitutional architecture offered a possibility to Lula and the PT denied their German counterparts: that a socialist could reach the top of the political superstructure and command the executive.

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• J<scp>effrey</scp> L. G<scp>ould</scp>. <i>Solidarity under Siege: The Salvadoran Labor Movement, 1970–1990</i>.

  The American Historical Review · 2021-11-21

  article1st authorCorresponding

  Jeffrey L. Gould’s Solidarity under Siege: The Salvadoran Labor Movement, 1970–1990 is a fine-grained study of the working people at the heart of a little-known entrepreneurial success story in El Salvador when shrimp exports after 1960 came to generate one-third of the country’s export revenue and the port of El Triunfo swelled to over five thousand residents in 1970. This boom town proved an island of relative prosperity and peacefulness during the slide into an epic of popular insurgency, radical activism, and counterrevolutionary violence which saw eight thousand to eleven thousand civilians killed in 1980 alone (9). While facing arrests, raids, deaths, and threats, local unionists were spared large-scale killing because businesses and the military were making money while rebels and refugees used the port as a place of shelter and recuperation (21). “Among the more privileged in the country,” local workers were “politically conservative, sympathetic to management, and hostile...

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• Lula and His Politics of Cunning

  The American Historical Review · 2021-11-13

  articleSenior author

  Abstract Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva is the focus of a roundtable review on John D. French’s Lula and His Politics of Cunning: From Metalworker to President of Brazil. The reviewers offer a reading of Lula and his legacies from perspectives that range from LGBTQ+ studies to racial politics, including an analysis centered on the story of a humble man that rose from below, “a most exceptional common man,” from his humble beginnings up to his election as president; a review that underscores how the book addresses Lula’s work with regards to human rights, including race and the LGBTI+ community; a deconstruction of the use of the word “cunning” as a positive term of appreciation, comparing Brazil’s journey under Lula with the promise of post-apartheid South Africa; and a reflective commentary that seeks to understand how a figure like Lula is not born but created, in this case through class struggle. Finally, John French responds to these observations and offers additional insight on his book and the living legacy of Lula’s Brazil.

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• The Future of Progressive Politics in a Post-Fordist World

  Labor Studies in Working-Class History of the Americas · 2021-08-17

  article1st authorCorresponding

  Writers don't know what they think until they write. Nor do they know what they've written until they see what colleagues have made of it in print. I have learned a great deal from the probing contributions to this roundtable by an admirably diverse group whose prior and future work has much to teach us about urban working-class life and popular politics. Curiously, I had never thought of describing Lula as a man “who fully lived through the rise and fall of Fordism,” as suggested by Antonio Luigi Negro. Having moved “from the countryside to the city, from the patriarchal logic of a slave past to the hybrid dialectics of Brazilian modernity,” Lula's two presidential terms are described by Brodwyn Fischer as bringing to the whole nation “the dream of egalitarian developmentalism that his own life had embodied.” Indeed, his remarkable trajectory looks different when viewed as a belated manifestation of a subaltern moral economy that had taken root during the Fordist industrialization that emerged in Brazil after World War II.The contributors emphasize how Lula and His Politics of Cunning deviates from the standard biographical genre. First, the author is “careful to explicitly reject the temptation whereby . . . ‘the individual's past is recounted in light of his future’” or his life turned into an allegory (Lerner Patrón). Second, Lula's life is narrated as a “process of becoming, uncertain about motives and outcomes, navigating life by drawing on combinations of intuition, skill, and experience” (Velasco). Third, the book focuses on both “individual and collective consciousness, actions, and speech acts” (Lerner Patrón) and offers an “extraordinarily rich account of the daily lives” of the so-called popular classes. And fourth, it attends to a “repertoire of manifestations of class antagonism and inequalities” centered on “specific subjective, psychological, and micro performative processes: the vocabulary of ‘peons’ and ‘small fish,’ the self-effacing interclass etiquette, the self-limitations, the ‘yes, sir,’ the idea of people ‘out of place,’ and notions of self-esteem, hierarchy, and respectability” (Lerner Patrón).A “walking metamorphosis,” Lula is portrayed in relation to the cultural dispositions, material needs, and diversity of beliefs and outlooks of his constituency from the most submissive to the most rebellious. This is possible because ABC's metalworkers were surprisingly well documented, having attracted “abundant attention from contemporary scholars, students, authorities,” intelligence agencies, and journalists (Lerner Patrón). A remarkable succession of Marxist and Marxisant sociologists from the University of São Paulo (USP) made a special contribution (Lichtenstein). They carefully documented the subaltern swept up in an industrial revolution, occurring in USP's backyard, in a peripheral country in what was called, variously, the “un-” or “underdeveloped world,” the Third World, “Newly Industrialized Countries,” or, eventually, the Global South.With South Africa in mind, Lichtenstein acknowledges that an “ambiguous relationship [often exists] between shop-floor workers and politicized intellectuals,” separated as they were by “enormous cultural, linguistic, class, and (in the case of South Africa) racial gulfs.” Yet he worries that I am “excessively dismissive” of revolutionary students and radical intellectuals, perhaps because, he speculates, the book “privileges the attitude of Lula and the povo he spoke for, who regarded intellectuals as hopelessly elitist and out of touch.” A certain impatience with “the amateurish mistakes and class biases of the young researchers” is also noted by Lerner Patrón, who emphasizes, however, that their “well-intentioned” paternalism and “biases and blind spots” are used in the book to illuminate the norms and etiquette governing interclass relations. Indeed, I followed an exacting methodology that rigorously separated evidence from interpretation in my mining of this marvelous body of structuralist sociological literature, which mostly slighted subjectivities, imagined class as a homogeneity, and conceived of “class consciousness” as a Weberian ideal type.Even a half century later, an immense chasm still remains between highly educated university degree holders (doutores) and the lowly povão (common people), resulting in an “enduring one-sided dialogue between the highly educated and the workers.” As Negro notes polemically, even highly intelligent and well-regarded university leftists in the twenty-first century are capable of imagining the poor as a “subproletariat easily overrun by populism.” I would add my own observation, after the left's anguishing 2018 defeat, that some were especially put out that so many poor people had voted for Bolsonaro: “Why don't they vote right (left)? After all, they should know their own interests.” Sometimes it seems this bothers them more than the massive vote of their fellow highly educated urbanites in the richest states, the group that provides the minority that makes up the mass base for this right-wing troll's movement. To Negro, at least, there are some in the academy who still can't forgive Brazil's povão for failing to embody bookish “expectations of class consciousness” of a sort that never existed even in advanced capitalist countries.Lula's dismissive comments about leftist students, I would add, derived from a broad critical judgment by São Paulo's trade unionists about the New Left's revolutionary union activism in the 1960s, a subject fully explored in chapter 7. Lula's criticism of students also occurred early during the strike cycle as he was positioning himself as nonthreatening with authorities. At the time, the overwhelmingly white university left was quick to denounce Lula as a bourgeois toady, a cat's-paw of the military, a pelego, or even a CIA infiltrator. Yet most of those leftist students and ex-students—including armed struggle veterans like Lula's future chief of staff, José Dirceu—joined Lula to found the PT after the strikes ended in defeat. In doing so, they crucially supplied self-sacrificing cadre indispensable to the survival and growth of the fledgling party, a point Lula has repeated emphasized despite his disagreements with some of them (the radicals keep you honest, he says). It was these PT intellectuals who wrote the documents for the various factions of this pluralistic party, although the vitally important internal party and union dynamics of the 1980s and early 1990s is not covered in this volume (Lerner Patrón). At least on paper, class tensions could be underplayed if not erased, although their role, which was no means simple, was important for understanding the PT and its allied trade union confederation, the Central Única dos Trabalhadores (CUT), which united powerful white- and blue-collar unions.In truth, cross-class leftist unity had never existed in a country divided between the proverbial descendants of the slave quarters (senzala) and the children of the Big House (Casa Grande), who made up the tiny population of universitários until the first modest expansion of higher education in the 1970s. That such cleavages also existed during the Estado Novo dictatorship (1937–45) can be seen in the prison recollections of Marcos Andreotti, ABC's veteran communist trade unionist. Workers and peasants, he observed, found it more comfortable to associate among themselves rather than mingle with the radical communist students and young military rebels with whom they shared cell blocks. I would also cite an interaction he described on the eve of the disastrous 1935 military revolt planned by his party's non-working-class leadership. At a clandestine ponto (one-on-one meeting), an earnest young party cadre transmitted orders about staging a general strike in ABC to coincide with the planned revolt. Facing a certain skepticism, Andreotti's interlocutor—who would go on to become a well-known communist journalist and top party leader—suggested it should be no problem: just blow up the local power station. At this point in our interview, Andreotti's raised eyebrow—not externalized in words—hinted that this brave young anti-imperialist revolutionary did not, at least at this point, have a clue about the working class or the union movement.These class cleavages could also produce disillusionment for activist workers who joined New Left revolutionary groups in the late 1960s. A formerly devout young Catholic, José Barbosa Monteiro, was the most important elected revolutionary in the diretoria of São Bernardo's metalworkers’ union in the late 1960s. Without renouncing the 1968 actions that forced him into exile, Monteiro used the Marxist language he had learned to express his discontent with Popular Action (AP), a Catholic student organization founded in 1962 that had evolved toward Marxism-Leninism and Maoism by 1967. In a published interview in 1978, Monteiro criticized the “petty bourgeois ideology that characterized the revolutionary movement.” In his crude class analysis, the petty bourgeoisie had been seeking a solution to its own problems which, he insisted, were as material as those of workers. They turned to the proletariat because they needed them, but rather than creating a movement with workers, they sought instead to constitute themselves as their leaders. Even students who went to work in factories, in his view, did so not to get to know workers but, rather, to give orders while bringing their “truths” to the benighted.1Monteiro's case also speaks to the dynamics of color and race, a point raised by Lichtenstein. A migrant from the northeastern state of Ceará, the young AP leader was Black, as had been the communist Orisson Saraiva de Castro, the São Bernardo union's first president, also from Ceará. Although their color comes up in offhand oral comments by others, these two tough men—like other preto and pardo migrants and activists—were acutely aware of the double abuse and prejudice they faced in a metropolitan region that was still predominantly European-descended. In their own comments, they treated the discrimination against northeasterners and Blacks not as distinct but conjoined as they denounced factories that refused to hire from these stigmatized groups.That color and region could provide an easy language of denunciation, even among lifelong communists, is illustrated by an early 1980s interview with Saraiva de Castro, a man capable of using “little white” (branquinho) as a sarcastic characterization. Criticizing one local factory owner as “anti-nordestino and anti-Black,” he claimed that “the negro is to be found only as a mascot” in Termomecanica in São Bernardo, while nordestinos weren't hired there at all in the early 1960s. Whether accurate or not, he judged Doutor Salvador Arena to be a “racist” as well as anti-nordestino, although he added that, to his credit, Arena was nonetheless one of ABC's great nationalists. Saraiva de Castro was equally prepared to mobilize ethnicity in discussing Mercantil Suissa, a troubled bike manufacturer plagued with strikes because of its recurrent nonpayment of wages. Its owner was a Jew, he said, which he linked to cheating and swindling (picaretagem). As a knowledgeable communist, however, he did open an exception for Marxist Jews before ending his riff with a denunciation of Zionism and the racist state of Israel.2In Brazilian labor history, the understanding of slavery, racism, and class struggle by Black union activists and leaders has been surprisingly neglected.3 We can get a glimpse of their approach in an interview with Santo Dias, a Black metalworker shot dead by a policeman on a picket line during São Paulo's massive 1979 metalworkers’ strike. A migrant from the interior of São Paulo, not the Northeast, Dias explained that pretos (a term commonly used for darker-skinned Blacks) constituted 60 percent of Brazilians, although a footnote by his interviewer suggested disagreement with his grouping of mulatos with pretos. As he explained it, pretos were divided, and some were laid-back (relaxado), but the bottom line in capitalist Brazil, he insisted, was that it was not just Blacks who were enslaved: that category now included the poor of all colors.4While noting the book's sensitivity to the resonances of color and race in working-class life, Lichtenstein asks whether preto or pardo workers could advance into skilled positions, something not possible in South Africa. As he guessed, few factory studies gathered data by color or race, because the academic Marxism at the time was focused on class or regionalism. We do have a study of an auto-parts plant in greater São Paulo in 1976–77 that found that 85 percent of workers were white, 3 percent preto, and 12 percent mulato. In this factory at least, a segregationist type of exclusionary discrimination was not sharply evident from the distribution of each group across skill levels. Pretos were employed among the unskilled (3 percent) and the skilled (4 percent) in the same percentage as they were in the factory as a whole, while mulatos, perhaps surprisingly, were underrepresented among the skilled (5 percent) but overrepresented among the unskilled (17 percent).5In her contribution, Fischer opens the debate about how “the democratizing process that had shaped Brazil's political teleologies for more than three decades” was upended so quickly and easily after 2014. Indeed, Brazilians and Brazilianists are still grappling with the nagging question of how to understand the impeachment of Brazil's newly reelected PT president in 2016, Lula's own prosecution and jailing, and the election of far-right presidential candidate Jair Bolsonaro in 2018. For Negro, this is the point when the “Big House freaked out” at the invasion of their privileged spaces at the top of the hierarchy during an era that saw “one of the deepest social and cultural transformations in one of the most unequal countries in the world” (Lerner Patrón).Light can be shed on this by looking at the specificity of Brazil's class and racial stratification compared to the United States. Over the past quarter century, sociologist Edward Telles has generated a series of sophisticated statistical studies exploring the relationship of race and social class. Looking at employed males in seventy-four metropolitan regions in 1980, he found that “nonwhites are more seriously underrepresented in high level occupations than they are in the United States; however, whites in Brazil are more likely than US whites to share unskilled blue collar with His data also a more or distribution of each color group among but a among the and groups them and Telles notes in his book in the to understanding racial in Brazil in the radical of and that more advanced This to as the was the one that turned even more against Lula and the PT in 2018 after a expansion of higher education the After the Brazilian racial in the an the same that for Blacks and the It class and and to both the university and the also modest and the of the Fischer the by that the relation of Lula's past in terms of the of different groups in to with for a Fischer the of who that an imagined future at the of the even as with in terms of the Indeed, I have a in this of which were written as early as and although until they I had first in ABC in the of after a disastrous that the metalworkers to a of the the prosecution of the and the of workers. At the time, the military had Brazil for and were mostly in the of some more and some so, as in the case of I had out a labor book with the and of in workers was in the US academy and were the of the of and the of the left after the its and to the of the the 1990s I my to Lula's presidential and Lula and His Politics of Cunning would be an different book if it had been written after his massive in at the of the a Marxist turned who USP's studies of São Paulo's workers and industrialization in the early this book turned life I have been forced to the future which to Lula's only had I the of the São Paulo of Lula's but the as a whole in and many for that it at that the only was that one would all be In I a of what was to have been the first of two I was not the powerful of the of and in Brazilian although I them the I my book in and a of because I had well into Lula's after the of a elected president, I the which the or the however, was Lula's to in Brazilian politics. by political and the mass Lula as the of to this right-wing As Lula was the presidential candidate most likely to in the that if they were to their the only was to and him so as to him from for 2018 election ended with the of a mass vote to with percent of the for the As for rise with popular I would that it the book's the of the and their to social against the from a Bolsonaro was a from a poor in one of the in the state of São as and by the rich and well he was well as a social and political to himself as in relation to a political class, of his social who were by their documented in For many on the of of power for their own the resulting “Why do you have to for this but political that the to the was to his and the was prepared to they to for and and a to a about that by become with As Bolsonaro the and could be to fall for his because they their and were that he could be and of Bolsonaro had no to be their Having now the he out to do what with had the to his to a level his petty which was well before he was he now had the power to his and in from It had never been his to the country much with a and his and were in his the US having just lived through the equally it be that would that the of power is not to the on the US to the of I was that my from this roundtable was about the US and of my As by with and Lula and His Politics of Cunning is a of in a highly educated and of the have for been or about politics. In the book is a of by those who political as rather than as a for those to the of the are only but he and are by those with and and about power than also to the when it of an of the sort that and by left and right as or or Lula and His Politics of Cunning is a to with a as the of for more a of and In this who is in the the point to the of the of the Paulo that the and to “the against whom one can the Whether in Brazil or the there is for in the as the with an on a future when can all equally of

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Frequent coauthors

• Alexandre Fortes

  7 shared

• Daniel James

  6 shared

• Antônio Luigi Negro

  3 shared

• Annika Marlen Hinze

  2 shared

• Uta G. Poiger

  2 shared

• James P. Brennan

  University of California, Riverside

  2 shared

• Margaret E. Keck

  2 shared

• Daniel H. James

  University of Cambridge

  2 shared

Awards & honors

• Sérgio Buarque de Holanda Prize from the Brazil Section of t…
• Warren Dean Memorial Prize of the Conference on Latin Americ…