V-Movement, subject clitics, and inversion

Isogloss Open Journal of Romance Linguistics · 2025-07-16

Building on new evidence from Bolognese, this paper proposes an account for the appearance and distribution of φ-related subject clitics both within and among Gallo-Italic grammars that relies only on independently motivated mechanisms. It notes problems for previous accounts that include additional subject clitic specific functional heads and varying height of head-movement. Instead, it proposes that subject clitics depend on standard Agree, and that they are a consequence of an extra uφ (“agreement doubling”) beyond the one inherited from C. Inversion in interrogatives is purely syntactic, and follows from strictly cyclic head-movement of V up to C. These two separate uφs underlie the distinct patterns of syncretisms and gaps in paradigms for verbal agreement suffixes and subject clitics in particular grammars, and for generalizations among them. Furthermore, gaps in a paradigm of subject clitics, like gaps in an agreement paradigm, do not imply a lack of Agree, but only a lack of overt exponents. Independently motivated syntactic mechanisms thus feed independently motivated morphological mechanisms. The syntax determines word/morpheme order, while morphophonology determines their realization.

Lexical Selection in Bolognese Clitic Allomorphy

Isogloss Open Journal of Romance Linguistics · 2022 · 1 citations

• Computer Science
• Artificial Intelligence
• Linguistics

This paper presents an analysis of the Bolognese 3ms.nom clitic, which deviates from the expected alternations found in other Romance languages. It appears as [al] preconsonantally and [l] prevocalically, but it surprisingly has an apparent third allomorph, [a], which occurs only (and sometimes optionally) when preceding dat, acc, or neg clitics. For example, [a=t=ˈdiːz] ‘he says to you.s’ seems to show a sequence of 3ms.nom [a] and 2s.dat [t]; the expected preconsonantal [al] is replaced by [a]. We argue that constructions of this sort involve not a string of clitics but instead a “duplex” clitic [at] that combines 3ms.nom with 2s.dat. This approach explains why the apparent [a] surfaces only before certain clitics: it is actually the first half of a larger clitic that is available only in the presence the appropriate feature combinations (such as 3ms.nom and 2s.dat). We formalize this proposal in Optimality Theory using the framework of Lexical Selection. This analysis accounts for the puzzling behavior of the 3ms.nom clitic and necessitates refinements to the Lexical Selection formalism.

PCC Effects with Expletives and Non-Associate Postverbal Subjects in Bolognese

Isogloss Open Journal of Romance Linguistics · 2022

• Computer Science
• Natural Language Processing
• Artificial Intelligence

This paper contrasts a Bolognese postverbal subject construction and other grammars with the common Romance one (also in Bolognese) that has longdistance full agreement of the tensed verb and the Case Licensed subject, with an expletive satisfying EPP. In the new Bolognese data, full agreement is absent, a special clitic occurs, and the postverbal subject is person restricted.Lack of subject agreement also raises questions about its licensing.The Minimalist proposal is that grammars like Bolognese can specify a feature set on theexpletive that checks EPP in this data, and that it is thus an independent second nominalin the domain of the sole agreement and Case Licensing probe, T. This specified expletiveis shown to explain all the properties of this data. For the person restrictions and Case Licensing of the postverbal subject, it applies Cyclic/Multiple Agree, the elaboration ofAgree underlying PCCeffects, to the two nominals. The analysis is extended to othergrammars with similar but slightly differing data by simple manipulation of the featureseton the specified expletive and of the clitic inventory of the grammar.

Obligatory dative clitic-doubling of type III experiencers in Bulgnais

Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America · 2018-03-03 · 1 citations

The correlation between the position of the Dative experiencer of a type III psych-verb relative to the verb itself and the obligatory vs. optional nature of an associated Dative clitic has seldom been noted in the literature, and it has never previously been explained. This paper presents relevant new data from Bulgnais (Bologna, Italy), and it proposes that these verbs, in the languages that require the Dative clitic with the preverbal Dative experiencer, have an additional strong lexical property beyond inherent Case licensing. Like Case licensing, this property requires feature checking, which is satisfied alternately by the clitic (unmarked word-order) or by the experiencer phrase. Only when the clitic checks the lexically required feature can the full experiencer move to the preverbal position, because otherwise, it is frozen in a postverbal position by its role in checking the mentioned strong lexical feature, which occurs lower in the verbal domain.

Introduction to Volume 2 Constraining Binding, Dependencies, and Learnability: Principles or Parameters?

Psychology Press eBooks · 2018-10-24

The principles constituting Binding Theory (BT) constrain proforms and characterize the Argument-system. In J. Koster's analysis, the BT universally determines what constitutes a local domain. In Koster's revised analysis of the BT, no special parameter setting is necessary for describing cross-linguistic variation in the area of the BT. Koster's proposal, like other current work, observes a difference between Principle A and the other Binding Principles. The theory of Universal Grammar is concerned with the relation between the subsystem of principles that apply to the empty categories (ECs), including locality principles, and the other subsystems such as the BT module. The decision to attribute the different binding behavior of phonologically overt versus nonovert pronominals in part to the BT and in part to the theory of ECs has repercussions not only for syntactic theory but also for predictions about first language acquisition.

Volume I Introduction: Constraining Structural Variation and the Acquisition Problem

Psychology Press eBooks · 2018-10-24

This introduction presents an overview of the key concepts discussed in the subsequent chapters of this book. The book aims to develop a constrained theory of phrase structure variation for UG or Universal Grammar, seen as the central component of the theory of adult linguistic knowledge and the theory of first language acquisition. It presents the consequences of a debate that took place in generative syntax in the period roughly between 1979 and the late 1980s. The book argues that UG makes reference to a richly structured semantic domain of mass and count entities and speculates that there might be a semantic parameter along which different languages can vary. It also argues similarly for Turkish, another head-final and quite freely scrambling language. The book concludes that children not only are able to produce and comprehend scrambled structures but also exhibit knowledge of the constraints on scrambling and their interaction with Case.

Determining Pair-Merge

Linguistic Inquiry · 2003-10-01 · 96 citations

October 01 2003 Determining Pair-Merge In Special Collection: CogNet Edward J. Rubin Edward J. Rubin University of Utah Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Author and Article Information Edward J. Rubin University of Utah Online ISSN: 1530-9150 Print ISSN: 0024-3892 © 2003 Massachusetts Institute of Technology2003 Linguistic Inquiry (2003) 34 (4): 660–668. https://doi.org/10.1162/ling.2003.34.4.660 Cite Icon Cite Permissions Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn Email Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Search Site Citation Edward J. Rubin; Determining Pair-Merge. Linguistic Inquiry 2003; 34 (4): 660–668. doi: https://doi.org/10.1162/ling.2003.34.4.660 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentAll JournalsLinguistic Inquiry Search Advanced Search This content is only available as a PDF. © 2003 Massachusetts Institute of Technology2003 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

Romanian nominal structure, proforms, and genitive case checking

Amsterdam studies in the theory and history of linguistic science. Series 4, Current issues in linguistic theory · 2002-05-31 · 1 citations

The role of functional categories in bilingual children's language mixing and differentiation

World Englishes · 1996-11-01 · 6 citations

ABSTRACT: The present paper examines the simultaneous development of the two linguistic competences of the bilingual child. It has been observed that language mixing, defined as the indiscriminate combinations of elements from each of the component languages, is most frequent during a very early phase of language acquisition. However, as the child acquires greater competence in the two languages, the language contact which is in evidence (if any at all) increasingly takes the form of code‐switching, defined as language alternations which are constrained by syntactic principles. In the present study, special attention is devoted to the role of functional categories in the development patterns attested, and we defend a position intermediate between the strong continuity and weak continuity hypotheses. Thus, our overview of childhood bilingualism may be viewed as reflecting the convergence of developments in linguistic theory, language acquisition, and language contact.

Feature-checking and the syntax of language contact

Amsterdam studies in the theory and history of linguistic science. Series 4, Current issues in linguistic theory · 1995-05-11 · 14 citations